2.1 Short-Term, High-Visibility Belt Law Enforcement

Effectiveness: Proven

Use: Medium*

Cost: High

Time: Medium

* Used in many jurisdictions but often only once or twice each year

The most common high-visibility belt law enforcement method consists of short-term (typically lasting for two weeks), intense, highly publicized periods of increased belt law enforcement, frequently using checkpoints (in States where checkpoints are permitted), saturation patrols, or enforcement zones. These periods sometimes are called STEP waves (Selective Traffic Enforcement Programs) or blitzes. The method was developed in Canada in the 1980s (Boase et al., 2004) and demonstrated in several United States communities (Williams and Wells, 2004). It was implemented statewide in North Carolina in 1993 using the Click It or Ticket slogan (Reinfurt, 2004), and subsequently adopted in other States under different names and sponsors (Solomon et al., 2004). NHTSA's Click It or Ticket high-visibility enforcement model is described in detail in Solomon et al. (2003) and Solomon and Chafee (2005).

Use: Most States currently conduct short-term, high-visibility belt law enforcement programs in May, as part of a national safety belt mobilization (Solomon et al., 2004). They may conduct others throughout the year. In recent years the Air Bag and Seat Belt Safety Campaign and NHTSA have supported these campaigns. Nearly 12,500 law enforcement agencies took part in the May 2005 campaign (NHTSA, 2005b). See Milano et al. (2004) for a detailed account of the history and evolution of the national campaigns.

Effectiveness: CDC's systematic review of 15 high-quality studies (Dinh-Zarr et al., 2001; Shults et al., 2004) found that short-term, high-visibility enforcement programs increased belt use by about 16 percentage points, with greater gains when pre-program belt use was lower. CDC noted that many of the studies were conducted when belt use rates were considerably lower than at present, so that new programs likely will not have as large an effect. Belt use often dropped by about 6 percentage points after the enforcement program ended. Short-term, high-visibility enforcement programs thus typically have a ratchet effect: belt use increases during and immediately after the program and then decreases somewhat, but remains at a level higher than the pre-program belt use.

NHTSA evaluated the effects of the May 2002, 2003, and 2004 Click It or Ticket campaigns on belt use in the States. In 2002, belt use increased by 8.6 percentage points across 10 States that used paid advertising extensively in their campaigns. Belt use increased by 2.7 percentage points across 4 States that used limited paid advertising and increased by 0.5 percentage points across 4 States that used no paid advertising (Solomon et al., 2002).

The 2003 campaign used extensive paid advertising: about $8 million nationally and $16 million in individual States (Solomon et al., 2003, Technical Summary) . The advertising strongly supported the campaign with clear enforcement images and messages. Nationally, belt use following the 2003 campaign was 79 percent compared to 75 percent at the same time in 2002 (Glassbrenner, 2004b). Twenty-eight States conducted small belt use surveys immediately before the May 2003 campaign. Across these States, belt use was 75.2 percent in 2002, 72.8 percent before the 2003 campaign and 78.5 percent immediately after the campaign. These results show the typical ratchet effect, with belt use dropping gradually after the 2002 campaign and then rising rapidly immediately after the 2003 campaign to a higher level than after the previous campaign (Solomon et al., 2003, Chapter IV).

The 2004 campaign increased paid advertising to about $12 million nationally and $20 million in the States (Solomon and Chaffe, in review). As in 2003, the advertising strongly supported enforcement activities. Belt use nationally reached 82 percent following the campaign (Glassbrenner, 2004b). Across the 50 States and the District of Columbia , belt use increased in 42 jurisdictions compared to the same time in 2003. Averaged across all 51 jurisdictions, belt use increased by 2.4 percentage points (Solomon and Chafee, in review, Chapter IV).

Costs: High-visibility enforcement campaigns are expensive. They require extensive time from State highway safety office and media staff and often from consultants to develop, produce, and distribute publicity and time from law enforcement officers to conduct the enforcement. Paid advertising increases a campaign's effectiveness, as discussed above, but can be quite expensive. Averaged across all States, paid advertising costs were about $125,000 per State for the 2002 campaign and over $400,000 in 2004 (Solomon and Chaffe, in review, Chapter II).

Time to implement: A high-visibility enforcement program requires four to six months to plan and implement.

Other issues:

  • Effects in primary and secondary belt law States: High-visibility enforcement campaigns are effective in both primary and secondary law States. NHTSA's 2003 evaluation found that belt use increased by 4.6 percentage points across the primary law States and by 6.6 percentage points across the secondary law States (Solomon et al, 2003, Chapter IV; see also Nichols, 2002). The 2004 evaluation found that the campaign increased belt use in 25 secondary jurisdictions by an average of 3.7 percentage points. Belt use decreased in the remaining 5 jurisdictions by an average of 2.3 percentage points (Solomon and Chaffe, in review, Chapter IV).

  • Effects on low-belt-use groups: CDC's systematic review observed that short-term, high-visibility enforcement campaigns increased belt use more among lower-belt-use groups, including young drivers, rural drivers, males, African-Americans, and Hispanics, than among higher-belt-use drivers such as older drivers, suburban drivers, females, and Caucasians (Shults et al., 2004).